Stalin starts on an inclusive note, how long will honeymoon last?
A Month On At The Helm, DMK Chief Chooses A Different Path Than His Father’s, Taking Opponents Along
R Rangaraj
03.06.2021
For all the standards and goals set by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam patriarch, M Karunanidhi struggled to expand the horizons of his party beyond traditional lines. Taking forward the DMK legacy, chief minister M K Stalin, through his inclusive gestures, seems to have managed to reach out to sections beyond party lines and earn encomiums even from opponents of the DMK.
The limited scope of the DMK’s popularity could be assessed with the 1989 assembly polls in mind, when the AIADMK split after the death of its tallest leader MGR in December 1987. The DMK was elected to power, but secured only about one-third of the votes. In 2006, the DMK won on the strength of a strong alliance which included the Congress, the PMK and the Left, to touch 44% vote share . In 2016, the DMK indirectly projected Stalin as the heir apparent to get close to 40% vote share but lost out to the AIADMK which boosted its own vote share to 41.1%, and J Jayalalithaa barely scraped through. The DMK only came close to the majority mark, but it was apparent that Stalin did attract a percentage of voters who wanted change.
On Karunanidhi’s 97th birth anniversary on June 3, as the DMK takes stock of its gains after a month of being in power again, the critics of the party have been silenced by Stalin’s approach ever since he assumed office on May 7.
The subdued note of celebration was quickly replaced by action on a warfooting against the pandemic.
In the past, the DMK and the AIADMK governments had been guilty of winding up or renaming pet schemes of each another soon after coming to power. Stalin has shown no keenness to alter the status quo, especially relating to Amma Unavagam. The arrest of DMK men who vandalised an Amma Unavagam outlet, seeking to remove the photograph of Jayalalithaa and the reassurance that the Amma Unavagam scheme would continue to reach out to the poor, the commitment to the Annadhanam scheme of temples, the quick steps to raise availability of vaccines and oxygen beds in hospitals, have all contributed to broaden Stalin’s support base beyond his party.
The push to appoint efficient senior officers such as V Irai Anbu and T Udhayachandran has also gone down well with the bureaucracy. Stalin has adopted a judicious style bringing in a new team of officers in crucial posts like Gagandeep Singh Bedi (Chennai corporation), and retaining the team led by the health secretary J Radhakrishnan.
The move to set up a committee of MLAs from various parties has also created a sense of confidence in officialdom.
These moves have earned the appreciation of a couple of the AIADMK. Former deputy chief minister O Panneerselvam has welcomed the government’s “acceptance” of some of his demands.
Stalin’s refusal to be drawn into a slanging match with the AIADMK and other opposition parties despite provocative statements, has got him new admirers. Sections within the DMK are surprised over the “inclusiveness” and “maturity” of the CM.
There is a new air of freedom in government complexes as compared to the slavish mentality among ministers noticed in the Jayalalithaa era as well. Stalin comes across as first among equals at these meetings and in public appearances alongside ministers and officials. Ministers handling the portfolios of health, finance, education and transport have been allowed to hold discussions with their respective departments and interact with media, indicating greater democracy and transparency in the government than before.
How long this approach will continue is anybody’s guess. Some of his critics believe this would last only during the “honeymoon” period, but Stalin watchers say his approach of dealing with issues on a non-party basis, is different from the Kalaignar era and would continue even as he keeps his doors open for suggestions.
As for the DMK, Stalin has told his partymen that politics can take a backseat during the pandemic. The situation is not conducive to hold elections to urban local bodies, besides vacant rural bodies. The local councillors and the presence of elected representatives at the tier-3 levels, could also help in better governance. At least until then, Stalin would ensure that politics is kept away, and focus would be on dealing with the pandemic. Chambers of industries and commerce feel the new dispensation of proactive ministers and skilled officers in key positions could help accelerate growth through a new regime of incentives and concessions. They expect this to be ushered in once the pandemic is dealt with.
While Stalin builds on the image of his father and draws support from the legion of Kalaignar fans, he has embarked on a new path of inclusive growth and diversified appeal, beyond religion, caste and community divide.
Stalin has been careful to maintain a balance between the Dravidian plank of the party and the sentiments of Hindus, in a marked departure from the Karunanidhi legacy. Karunanidhi was known to make acerbic comments about Hindu gods and goddesses off and on, and this upset devout Hindus who saw the DMK as an anti-Hindu party. The BJP has been trying to build such a narrative, but the DMK under Stalin nipped it in the bud.
Stalin has been keen to convey that he does not want to carry the baggage of the past, especially the picture of his party being anti-Hindu On the political front, he has proved to be bipartisan. Though hamstrung by a low resource base, he has begun implementing some of the poll promises. Work well begun is half done. Stalin has crossed more than the halfway period in a short span. In that sense, he has managed to overcome the stiff opposition from a section of the political spectrum and the electorate, and go beyond the confines of the DMK. Going forward, his government will have to come to grips with rising debts and aspirations.
(The writer is a senior journalist)
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